Blind Auditions Increase Women's Odds of Advancement
Efforts to conceal the identities of musicians auditioning for spots in symphony orchestras significantly boost the chances of women to succeed, a study co-written by a Princeton economist suggests.
Traditionally, women have been underrepresented in American and European orchestras. Renowned conductors have asserted that female musicians have "smaller techniques," are more temperamental and are simply unsuitable for orchestras, and some European orchestras do not hire women at all. Proving discrimination in hiring practices, however, has been difficult.
The study by Cecilia Rouse, an associate professor in Princeton's Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and the economics department, and Claudia Goldin, a professor of economics at Harvard University, seems to confirm the existence of sex-biased hiring by major symphony orchestras and illustrates the value of blind auditions, which have been adopted by most American symphonies. Their report was published in the September-November issue of the American Economic Review.
"This country's top symphony orchestras have long been alleged to discriminate against women, and others, in hiring," Rouse said. "Our research suggests both that there has been differential treatment of women and that blind auditions go a long way toward resolving the problem."
Florence Nelson, director of symphonic services at the American Federation of Musicians, described the research as a "very important statement, especially to those of us who have done auditions both ways -- behind a screen and without the screen." She has played flute and piccolo in major orchestras.
Traditionally, new members of the great symphony orchestras were handpicked by the music director and principal player of each section. Most contenders were the male students of a select group of teachers.
To overcome bias, most major U.S. orchestras began to broaden and democratize their hiring procedures in the 1970s and 1980s, advertising openings, allowing orchestra members to participate in hiring decisions and implementing blind auditions in which musicians audition behind a screen that conceals their identities but does not alter sound.
Of the "Big Five" symphonies -- the Boston Symphony Orchestra, the Chicago Symphony Orchestra, the Cleveland Symphony Orchestra, the New York Philharmonic and the Philadelphia Orchestra -- only Cleveland still does not hold blind auditions. Use of the blind auditions varies among the other orchestras, with some holding them only in preliminary rounds.
In their study, Rouse and Goldin examined lists of personnel from 11 major orchestras, including the Big Five, and actual accounts of the hiring process maintained by personnel managers in eight major orchestras.
Among musicians who auditioned in both blind and non-blind auditions, about 28.6 percent of female musicians and 20.2 percent of male musicians advanced from the preliminary to the final round in blind auditions. When preliminary auditions were not blind, only 19.3 percent of the women advanced, along with 22.5 percent of the men.
Using data from the audition records, the researchers found that blind auditions increased the probability that a woman would advance from preliminary rounds by 50 percent. The likelihood of a woman's ultimate selection is increased several fold, although the competition is extremely difficult and the chance of success still low.
As a result, blind auditions have had a significant impact on the face of symphony orchestras. About 10 percent of orchestra members were female around 1970, compared to about 35 percent in the mid-1990s. Rouse and Goldin attribute about 30 percent of this gain to the advent of blind auditions.
"Screens have been a very important part of the whole audition process," Nelson said. "My sense is that blind auditions have made a tremendous difference in the amount of hiring discrimination women face."
Nelson recalled how sensitive she was to the gender issue while auditioning. She remembers being told in the 1980s to remove her shoes while walking to center stage behind a screen, so the judges would not hear the "clickety-clack" of a woman's high heels.
Runaway/Missing/True Crime
I confess: I am obsessed with missing person/true crime stories. When Jennifer Wilbanks went missing, I was on the case, primarily because I was convinced, as soon as I saw her picture, that she was a runaway and not an abducted woman. I followed the Elizabeth Smart case and persist in believing that the Groene children are alive. Since my first job out of college, as the editor of police trade magazines, I have read true crime stories avidly. I even hired a freelance writer to interview Richard Speck for the magazines in 1976.
So when Natalee Holloway went missing, I entered my usual information gathering mode. What amazed me was that I immediately was addicted, along with thousands - maybe even hundreds of thousands - of others. Why? I think I know. This could have happened to me. It could happen to my daughter, her friends, my friends. You meet a guy on vacation. He is an honors student, his dad is judge, he is going to school in the states, he speaks three languages, he is a champion athlete. I would have gone to the beach with him. I'm guessing a lot of other women would have too. And we too could be missing, probably dead, now, with teams of hundreds unable to find us on a tiny island in the Caribbean. Pretty terrifying, and enough to hold my attention for another day.